## Section 1 of 13

{.OldEnglish} AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America.

{.ModernEnglish} After clearly experiencing that the current federal government isn't working well, you are asked to think about a new Constitution for the United States of America.

{.OldEnglish} The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in  its consequences nothing less than the existence of the UNION, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world.

{.ModernEnglish} This topic is very important; it involves consequences that affect the existence of the UNION, the safety and well-being of its parts, and the future of an empire that is interesting in many ways.

{.OldEnglish} It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force.

{.ModernEnglish} Many people have noted that it seems like it's up to the people of this country, through their actions and examples, to answer the big question: can people really create a good government by thinking carefully and making choices, or will they always have to rely on chance and force for their political systems?

{.OldEnglish} If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.

{.ModernEnglish} If there's any truth to that idea, then the critical moment we're facing right now could be seen as the time when we'll make that decision. If we choose the wrong path, it might be seen as a huge misfortune for all people.

## Section 2 of 13

{.OldEnglish} This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.

{.ModernEnglish} This idea will make people more caring and patriotic, increasing their concern for what happens next. It would be great if our decisions were based on a wise understanding of what's best for us, without being influenced by things that aren't related to the common good. However, this is something we can hope for more than actually expect. The plan being discussed touches on many specific interests and changes a lot of local systems, which means that the conversation will include many topics unrelated to its merits, as well as opinions, emotions, and biases that don't help us find the truth.

## Section 3 of 13

{.OldEnglish} Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government.

{.ModernEnglish} One of the biggest challenges the new Constitution will face is the clear interest of some people in every state who want to avoid changes that could reduce their power, money, and importance in the positions they hold within the state governments. Another group of people has a twisted ambition, and they either hope to gain more power by taking advantage of their country's confusion or believe they have better chances of rising up if the nation is divided into several smaller alliances instead of being united under one government.

## Section 4 of 13

{.OldEnglish} It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable--the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears.

{.ModernEnglish} However, it's not my intention to focus on observations like these. I know it would be dishonest to assume that all people who oppose the new Constitution do so only because of their personal interests or ambitions. We must be fair and admit that even these people might have good intentions. It's undeniable that a lot of the opposition we've seen, or might see in the future, comes from sources that are at least innocent, if not admirable. These are honest mistakes made by people whose minds have been misled by their existing worries and fears.
## Section 5 of 13

{.OldEnglish} So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.

{.ModernEnglish} So many things can make people's judgments biased that sometimes we see smart and good people on the wrong side of important issues. If we pay attention to this, it can teach us to be more moderate in our opinions, even when we're sure we're right. Another reason to be careful is that we can't always be sure that people who support the truth have better intentions than their opponents. Ambition, greed, personal dislike, and other less-than-noble motives can influence both those who support and those who oppose the right side of an issue. Even without these reasons, being intolerant is a bad approach in politics, just as it is in religion. Trying to convert people by force doesn't work, and it's just as ridiculous in both areas. Persecuting people for their beliefs rarely changes their minds.

## Section 6 of 13

{.OldEnglish} And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust.

{.ModernEnglish} Even though these thoughts are fair, we've already seen signs that this situation will be like past major national debates, with a flood of anger and hostility. Looking at how the opposing sides act, we can guess that they'll both try to prove they're right and win more supporters by shouting loudly and insulting each other. People who passionately want a strong and efficient government will be accused of loving tyrannical power and being against freedom. On the other hand, people who worry too much about threats to people's rights will be seen as faking concern just to become popular at the expense of the common good. People will forget that jealousy often comes with love, and that the excitement for freedom can sometimes lead to narrow-minded and ungenerous distrust.

## Section 7 of 13

{.OldEnglish} On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.

{.ModernEnglish} On the other hand, people will also forget that a strong government is necessary to protect freedom, and that these two things are actually connected. A dangerous ambition is often hidden behind the fake concern for people's rights rather than behind the desire for a strong and efficient government. History shows us that the first approach is more likely to lead to tyranny than the second. Most of the people who destroyed republics started out by pretending to be the people's champions, only to become dictators in the end.

## Section 8 of 13

{.OldEnglish} In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it.

{.ModernEnglish} In the previous observations, my fellow citizens, I have been trying to warn you against any attempts from any source to influence your decision on this very important issue, except through the truth. You might have noticed that my overall perspective is in favor of the new Constitution. Yes, my fellow Americans, I admit that after carefully considering it, I strongly believe it is in your best interest to adopt it.

## Section 9 of 13

{.OldEnglish} I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth.

{.ModernEnglish} I am convinced that this is the safest path for your freedom, your dignity, and your happiness. I won't pretend to be unsure when I am certain. I honestly admit my beliefs to you and will share the reasons behind them. Knowing I have good intentions, I won't be ambiguous. However, I won't keep repeating myself on this topic. My motives will stay within my own heart. My arguments will be available for everyone to examine and judge. At the very least, they will be presented in a way that won't discredit the pursuit of truth.

## Section 10 of 13

{.OldEnglish} I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars: THE UTILITY OF THE UNION TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT UNION THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT OF THIS OBJECT THE CONFORMITY OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION and lastly, THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS ADOPTION WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATION OF THAT SPECIES OF GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY.

{.ModernEnglish} In a series of papers, I plan to discuss the following important points: The usefulness of the union for your political success; the inability of the current confederation to maintain that union; the need for a government at least as strong as the one proposed to achieve this goal; how the proposed constitution aligns with the true principles of a republican government; its similarity to your own state constitution; and finally, the extra protection that adopting it will provide for preserving this type of government, as well as for liberty and property.

## Section 11 of 13

{.OldEnglish} In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.

{.ModernEnglish} During this discussion, I will try to provide satisfying answers to all the objections that come up and seem worth paying attention to.

## Section 12 of 13

{.OldEnglish} It may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.

{.ModernEnglish} Some people might think it's unnecessary to give reasons to show the usefulness of the UNION, as it's probably something deeply valued by most people in every state and doesn't seem to have opponents. However, we've already heard whispers among those who oppose the new Constitution, saying that the thirteen states are too big for a single system and that we must inevitably create separate alliances for different parts of the whole country.

## Section 13 of 13

{.OldEnglish} This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.

{.ModernEnglish} This idea will likely spread slowly until enough supporters openly endorse it. For those who can see the big picture, it's clear that the choice is between adopting the new Constitution or breaking apart the Union. So, it's helpful to start by looking at the benefits of the Union, the definite problems, and the possible risks each state will face if the Union dissolves. This will be the topic of my next message.